KIRAN PANDAY |
Girija Prasad Koirala's last conversation with Pushpa Kamal Dahal focused on the latter's leadership of the largest party and his responsibility to find a way out of the political stalemate to rescue the peace process. Emerging from that meeting, Dahal interpreted it for the media to mean Koirala had handed over the "responsibility" of being a successor kingmaker. In subsequent meetings, Dahal has been presenting himself as the elder statesman who will steer the peace process.
There is no doubt that the Maoists have a crucial role to play in resolving the present deadlock. As the leading party in the Constituent Assembly and Parliament, the Maoists need to rise to the occasion. Even if it is to honour the dying wish of a person they belatedly recognised as a 'guardian', the Maoists need to see this process through.
But that is just not going to happen as long as they insist on being not just 'top dog', but 'only dog'. Their public statements, the behaviour of their non-cantonment guerrillas, the continued threats of violence, 'revolt' and state takeover will always be obstacles to a Maoist-led government. The constitution is going to be a compromise between the political forces at play, and the Maoists can't threaten they will go back to the jungle if they can't pass the non-democratic constitution that they want.
Some argue that a non-violent Maoist that doesn't believe in grabbing totalitarian power is an oxymoron. There's a point there, but our Maoists have already shown they are different from Mao's Maoists by winning an election. The leadership itself has realised by now that their party's future lies in transforming itself into a parliamentary force because neither the Nepali people nor the international community will tolerate vintage 1960s-style Maoism.
This is not to say that the Maoists have to be like the NC or UML. The party won the elections in 2008 because it was the one that represented change, an alternative to the status quo. But an overwhelming number of people also voted for the Maoists (and weren't necessarily their supporters) because they wanted the party to abjure violence once and for all, and join peaceful politics.
We have to also look at this from the point of view of the Maoist leadership, which has to keep the party intact. There are contradictory forces creating internal tension: the need to reconcile the party's ideology of violent revolution with the need to engage in the democratic process. The leadership may not yet be able to publicly renounce violence because it has indoctrinated its cadre to believe in the Marxist theory of rupture, which deems that the path from feudalism to capitalism and socialism has to be accompanied by wrenching, bloody change.
Adhering to democratic norms and switching to the politics of compromise can be difficult for a party whose credo has been to bump off anyone who doesn't agree with it and for whom the end justifies the means.
But that needn't be so. However reluctant the ideological purists in the Maoist leadership are to admit it, the party is living proof that there is an alternative non-violent pluralistic path.
Girija Koirala has left a political void both within his own party and in the polity at large. A resurgent religio-monarchist rightwing within the Nepal Congress is trying to fill the vacuum. The ground is fertile for a right-military shift in the overall politics because of GPK's departure, the prolonged political disarray and the backlash against federalism.
A Maoist party that continues to push a hardline and uncompromisingly violent path will strengthen the regressive, rightward tilt in Nepali politics. The Maoist party may find it in its own interest, and in the long term interest of all Nepalis, to shore up the non-violent middle ground.
READ ALSO:
Real democracy, by Prashant Jha - From issue 495 (26 March 2010 - 01 April 2010)
Media mourning, by CK Lak - From issue 495 (26 March 2010 - 01 April 2010)
Political vacuum - From issue 495 (26 March 2010 - 01 April 2010)
Death of the guardian - From issue 495 (26 March 2010 - 01 April 2010)
Political being - From issue 495 (26 March 2010 - 01 April 2010)
Post GP - From issue 495 (26 March 2010 - 01 April 2010)